Benjamin Netanyahu is visited the White House in order to put an end to the Iranian Accord and to “change the subject” of his criminal indictment. He insists that Iran is a mortal threat to the State of Israel and a supporter of terrorism in the Middle East. However, under Orthodox Judaism, this requires that Netanyahu word can only believe at "the mouth of two witnesses.”
Ronen Bergman in Rise and Kill First (2018) posits that the Mossad is a unit of the prime minister's office, and, under national law, reporting on any of its activities is subject to censorship. On his last day as director of the Mossad Meir Dagan, he launched into a vehement attack on the prime minister of Israel. Benjamin Netanyahu, Dagan claimed, was behaving irresponsibly and, for his own egotistical reasons, leading the country into disaster. "That someone is elected does not mean that he is smart" was one of his jibes.
Netanyahu was showing him the door, and Dagan, whose life's dream had been to hold the position of Israel's top spy, was not going to stand by with folded arms. The acute crisis of confidence between the two men had flared up around two issues, and both of them were intimately connected to Meir Dagan's weapon of choice: assassination.
Eight years earlier, Ariel Sharon had appointed Dagan to the Mossad post and put him in charge of disrupting the Iranian nuclear weapons project, which both men saw as an existential threat to Israel. Dagan acted in a number of ways to fulfill this task. The most difficult way, but also the most effective, Dagan believed, was to identify Iran's key nuclear and missile scientists, locate them, and kill them. The Mossad pinpointed fifteen such targets, of whom it eliminated six, mostly when they were on their way to work in the morning, by means of bombs with short time fuses, attached to their cars by a motorcyclist. In addition, a general of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, who was in charge of the missile project, was blown up in his headquarters together with seventeen of his men.
These operations and many others initiated by the Mossad, some in collaboration with the United States, were all successful, but Netanyahu and his defense minister, Ehud Barak, had begun to feel that their utility was declining. They decided that clandestine measures could no longer effectively delay the Iranian nuclear project, and that only a massive aerial bombardment of the Iranians' nuclear facilities would successfully halt their progress toward acquiring such weapons.
Dagan strongly opposed this idea. Indeed, it flew in the face of everything he believed in that open warfare should be waged only when "the sword is on our throat," or as a last resort, in situations in which there was no other choice. Everything else could and should be handled through clandestine means.
"Assassinations," he said, "have an effect on morale, as well as a practical effect. I don't think there were many who could have replaced Napoleon, or a president like Roosevelt or a prime minister like Churchill. The personal aspect certainly plays a role. It's true that anyone can be replaced, but there's a difference between a replacement with guts and some lifeless character."
Avraham Burg in The Holocaust Is Over (2007) writes from a historical point of view about Netanyahu as then former prime minister. Burg writes that our beloved Israel has fallen into the fatality trap: us, "the good" against "them," the demons, the ultimate enemy. When every enemy is the absolute evil and every conflict is a war to the death, all is justified in our eyes. We do not distinguish between levels of hostility nor do we view our enemies as rivals with possibly legitimate needs: they are all against us all the time, and all we can do is defend ourselves. Even our armed forces, who specialize in attacking and taking initiative, are still called the "Israeli Defense Forces." [Then] former Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu announced to the U.S. Senate a few days after 9/11 that the attack was a turning point. He said that critical war was imminent, in which the United States, led by George W. bush, would be the keeper of the gate.
Burg writes that Netanyahu is without doubt an expert propagandist on Israel in recent decades, and he aimed for his target. He was speaking in Washington, D.C., but his audience was his own party in Israel [the Likud]. The press release from his office reported that Netanyahu presented the Associated Press with photos that showed body parts strewn among pizza from a suicide attack at a Sbarro restaurant in Jerusalem. "Fifty years ago we defeated the Nazis with the consensus that the Nazis should be condemned.
When Hamas won the Palestinian elections [engineered by Condi Rice and Ariel Sharon], in January 2006 Netanyahu rushed to announce that we had a new tzorer, a term used to describe the very worst of Israel's historic enemies, like Hitler. All Netanyahu's enemies are super enemies, and he and [then] President Bush lead the free world against these frightening creatures. Many years of propaganda like this, using historically laden terminology, have resulted in perpetual hysteria: everything is a sign of fate and we are hanging in the balance, between existence and annihilation. Propaganda tells us that we await total destruction or salvation, with nothing in between. The war of 1948 was as significant as the ones in 1956 and 1967. Who could deny the similarity between three weeks of anxious siege preceding the Six-Day War and the Shoah's ghettos and camps? Was the country's fate not hanging in the balance in the Yom Kippur War of 1973? When the Egyptians seized some Israeli posts on the Suez Canal in October 1973, defense minister Moshe Dayan, the great general, talked about the possible destruction of the Third Temple! Netanyahu operates on prepared, cultivated ground, saturated with absolute evil, where the Jews are perpetually fighting for their survival.
Burg posits that Netanyahu follows the footsteps of many other talented, emotional speakers. When we attacked Lebanon in 1982, launching a war of deceit, folly, and futility, Prime Minister Menachem Begin sent us out to fight Yasser Arafat, the "two-legged beast." It was the same expression he had used thirty years earlier to describe Hitler. He also liked to compare the Palestinian national Charter to Hitler's Mein Kampf. "Never before in human history was such a despicable, wicked, armed organization formed--except for the Nazis," begin once said, referring to the Palestinian Liberation Organization. Following the attack on Arafat's headquarters in Beirut, according to the Israeli historian Tom Segev, Begin told President Ronald Reagan that he felt as if he had sent the IDF to Berlin to kill Hitler in his bunker. His cabinet secretary at the time, Arye Naor, testified that Begin persuaded his cabinet to launch the war in Lebanon with these words: "You know what I have done and what we have all done to avoid war and bereavement, but our fate in the Land of Israel is such that there is no choice but to fight and sacrifice. Believe me that alternative is Treblinka, and we have decided that there will be no more Treblinka." "Hitler is already dead, Mr. Prime Minister,: novelist Amos Oz retorted in the magazine Yediot Aharonot two weeks after that unnecessary war broke out. "Again and again, Mr. Begin, you show the public your strange urge to revive Hitler in order to kill him anew in the form of terrorists. The urge to recreate and re-eliminate Hitler again and again is the fruit of distress that poets are obliged to express, but for a statesmen this might lead to dangerous results."
LAUNDERED WORDS LAUNDERED LANGUAGE
The political debate between Oz, the prophet of the left, and begin, the icon of the right, was not about form but about substance, about the way of influencing history. It was a struggle between the poet's distress and the politician's psychosis; it was a wrestling match between value systems, in the arena of words, over the use of language, in the case laundered language. A harsh reality needs harsh words to describe it, live it, and survive it. Laundered words allow to perceive soiled realities as clean. We did not invent this method, but we improved it, as if we learned nothing from the evil ones who had laundered words before us.