AMERICAN VOTERS AND THE RACE CARD
Julie Pace write that on February 28, President Trump was greeted by enthusiastic applause as he entered the House chamber, though it was filled with Democrats who vigorously oppose his policies and many Republicans who never expected him to be elected. Most Republican lawmakers have rallied around him since the election, hopeful that he will act on the domestic priorities they saw blocked during President Barack Obama's eight years in office.
Pace does not mention that Donald Trump won the Election of 2016 by Playing the Race Card. Racism has always been latent the makeup of White American psyche. Ronald Formisano in The Tea Party: A Brief History (2012) insists that Tea Party (in control of Congress since 2010) are less favorably disposed to African Americans and Hispanics than most Americans, according to a 2010 University of Washington survey of whites in five states who approved of the Tea Party. Similarly the CBS News/Times poll found that 52 percent of Tea Partiers believe that too much has been made of problems facing black people, compared to 28 percent among all adults.
Prominent race-theorists of the early 20th century who were among Adolf Hitler's favorite authors were Madison Grant, who divided Europe by White races--not ethnics, and Lothrop Stoddard who wrote a jeremiad against the Aryan Race being overtaken by lesser races including black, browns, reds, and Jews, which have only been classified as White since the mid-1950s.
Stephen Kinzer in The True Flag: Theodore Roosevelt, Mark Twain, And The birth Of American Empire (2017) will help explain Trump's American voters. Kinzer state that as imperialists, race has always played a key role in the debate over American expansion. The 19th century and early 20th century was an era when respectable opinion held some groups of people to be inherently superior to others. Imperialists naturally made this view a central part of their argument.
Kinzer posits that during the Cuban war, many American soldiers and correspondents wrote of being shocked to see that the rebel army was largely non-white. They had arrived full of admiration for these brave soldiers, relentlessly drilled into them by the jingo press. This sympathy changed quickly to disdain. One reason Americans began backing away from their promise to grant independence to Cuba was their growing realization that any elected government these would be at least partly black. Newspapers that had painted the Cuban rebels as gallant patriots began describing them as a primitive, thieving rabble. Leonard Wood said their army was "made up very considerably of black people, only partially civilized, in whom the old spirit of savagery has been more or less aroused by years of warfare, during which time they have reverted more or less to the condition of men taking what they need and living by plunder."
Post-WWII, eventually Communism was used as an excuse for Cuban inferiority, not race.
Racism came naturally to the expansionists.
FOREIGN POLICY & RACISM
Kinzer writes that a high water mark of American restraint in foreign affairs came during the presidency of Calvin Coolidge's successor, Herbert Hoover. Historian fault Hoover for his inaction after the stock market crash of 1929, but he was a genuine humanitarian who became the most resolute anti-imperialist president in modern American history. As president he pursued modest and respectful foreign policies. In one speech he asserted that conflict in the world was the result not of the rebelliousness of ignorant natives, but of "the great inequalities and injustices of centuries." He brought Americans the unwelcome news that in "a large part of the world," the United States was seen as "a new imperial power intent upon dominating the destinies and freedoms of other people." Son after taking office he declared, "It ought not to be the policy of the United States to interfere by force to secure or maintain contracts between our citizens and foreign states." No previous president had spoken like that. None has since.
Hoover was not alone in his philosophy. Senator William Borah, the Republican "Lion of Idaho" who succeeded Henry Cabot Lodge as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee when Lodge died in 1924, was an outspoken opponent of U.S. intervention abroad. So was Senator Huey Long of Louisiana, a Democrat who was assassinated in 1935 while preparing his campaign for the presidency. Long had promised that if elected he would name the country's most contrarian military hero, General Smedley Butler, as secretary of war.
Henry Luce declared in 1941, "The 20th century, if it to come to life in any nobility of health and vigor, must be to a significant degree an American century. It now becomes our time to be the powerhouse."
However, racism still remained sub rosa at the center of American politics.
Kinzer posits that for generations, makers of American foreign policy have made decisions based on three assumptions: the United States is the indispensable nation that must lead the world; this leadership requires thoroughness; and toughness is best demonstrated by the threat or use of force. A host of subsidiary assumptions under-girds this catechism: the United States is inherently virtuous; its influence on the world is always benign; it must often intervene overseas because the risks of inaction are too high; its ideals are universal and can be exported; it welcomes support from other states but may act unilaterally when it chooses. Rather than see in the world a wide spectrum of forces beliefs, cultures, and interests, Americans often see only good and evil. We rush to take the side of good. This usually brings trouble.
WHITE AMERICAN HUBRIS & THE WHITE MAN'S BURDEN