THE RED FLAG ON OUR AMERICAN GAZA STRIP AND OUR US HISTORY WITH MEXICO &LATIN AMERICA

 

The United States has always had an imperialistic relationship with Mexico, as well as with all of Latin America.  Stephen Kinzer in The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, And Their Secret World War (2013) posits that under guise of wiping out Communism, the US has always fostered it imperialistic ambitions in the Western Hemisphere.

After the Dulles brothers and the CIA successfully overthrew Iran’s democratically elected government in 1953, they turned their attention to remaking Latin America into southern satellite states with governments favorable to the United States’ economic conditions beginning with the overthrow of the Arbenz regime in Guatemala.

A few months after the invasion and conquest of Guatemala, from exile in Mexico, the Guatemalan diplomat Guillermo Toriello published his own account.  “The break of day on June 29th, 1954, brought with it the triumph of foreign aggression against Guatemalan democracy,” he wrote.  “A combination of the State Department [where John Foster Dulles was Secretary], the Central Intelligence Agency [that Allen Dulles was Head], and the Banana Empire [various traitors in the Arbenz government] had finally manage to crush this small nation, indefensible and inoffensive, one hundred times smaller than its adversary, and drown in blood a flowering democracy dedicated to the dignity and economic liberation of its people.  The next day, John Foster Dulles announced the ‘glorious victory’ and proclaimed his delight at the crime’s consummation.”

Kinzer writes that Allen brought the CIA into its golden age by showing that he could topple governments with minimum cost and almost complete discretion.  Foster understood the power this implied.  The world had become their battlefield.  The brothers came to power determined to depose the leaders of two countries on opposite sides of the world.  Both were now gone.  Flushed with success, they moved on to their next target.

 Rick Perry's Legal Trouble: The Line Between Influence And Coercion

by Wade Goodwyn

August 30, 201412:19 PM ET

Listen to the Story

http://www.npr.org/2014/08/30/344436775/rick-perrys-legal-trouble-t...

Weekend Edition Saturday

4 min 26 sec

           

Texas Gov. Rick Perry talks to the media and supporters after he was booked on August 19 in Austin. Perry is charged with abuse of office and coercing a public official.
Eric Gay/AP 
                          

The day he was booked, Texas Gov. Rick Perry gave a big smile for his mug shot — which was then printed up on t-shirts to demonstrate just what a farce he thought the indictment was. In a press conference, the scorn dripped from Perry's voice as he took up the sword — defender, not of himself, but of the state's constitution.

"We don't settle political differences with indictments in this country," he said. "It is outrageous that some would use partisan political theatrics to rip away at the very fabric of our state's constitution."

Perry has been pushing back hard against allegations he misused the power of his office. Texas's longest serving governor is indicted on charges he tried to coerce the Austin district attorney into resigning by threatening to veto part of her office's funding if she didn't.

Perry has fired up his base, but like it or not his future will be decided not in the court of public opinion but inside the Texas legal system. So after the initial week-long artillery volley, Tony Buzbee, Perry's lead lawyer, is taking a softer tone.


"I think we're taking it seriously, and we're going to defend it in court," Buzbee says. "We're going to be careful about not attempting to try the case in the press. But I think it raises very serious constitutional issues; it raises issues with regard to the constitutional right of the governor to veto legislation."

The case revolves around Perry's attempt to oust Travis County District Attorney Rosemary Lehmberg after she had an embarrassing drunk-driving conviction. At the time, Lehmberg's Public Integrity Unit was in the middle of a corruption investigation involving a state agency near to Perry's heart.

The Cancer Prevention Research Institute of Texas hands out billions of dollars in state grants to recruit cancer research and biotech companies to Texas. But the agency was accused of dolling out grants to companies whose owners were better known for giving campaign contributions to Perry and Texas Attorney General Gregg Abbott.

That's why, when Perry said he'd veto the Public Integrity Unit's budget if Lehmberg didn't resign immediately, it raised a few eyebrows. After all, the governor would have picked her replacement.

As it played out, Lehmberg refused to resign and Perry vetoed her budget, and those actions brought the indictment — coercion of a public official.

But the governor's lawyer argues it doesn't matter what Perry threatened or when he threatened it. If he wants to veto the PIU's budget, he's allowed: It's an appropriation, and he's the governor. http://www.npr.org/2014/08/30/344436775/rick-perrys-legal-trouble-t...

Former Border Protection Insider Alleges Corruption, Distortion In Agency

by Carrie Johnson

August 28, 2014 3:47 AM ET

Listen to the Story

http://www.npr.org/2014/08/28/343748572/former-border-protection-in...

Morning Edition

4 min 36 sec

             

James Tomsheck poses in his office in Washington in June 2009. At the time, he was assistant commissioner for internal affairs with U.S. Customs and Border Protection.

        

James Tomsheck poses in his office in Washington in June 2009. At the time, he was assistant commissioner for internal affairs with U.S. Customs and Border Protection.

 Alex Brandon/AP                           

 

Two months ago, James Tomsheck was pushed out of his job as internal affairs chief for U.S. Customs and Border Protection.

At the time, authorities criticized him for not doing enough to investigate abuse and corruption.

But now Tomsheck tells a very different story: about a culture that goes out of its way to evade legal restraints.

Use of force by law enforcement agents along the Southwest border has drawn attention and criticism recently, after reports that Border Patrol agents shot and killed unarmed migrants and faced no consequences.

Since 2010, 28 people have been killed by agents and officers. Tomsheck says he believes about a quarter of the incidents are highly suspicious.

"I believe the system was clearly engineered to interfere with our efforts to hold the Border Patrol accountable," he says.

When asked how that could happen, he responded: "Some persons in leadership positions in the Border Patrol were either fabricating or distorting information to give the outward appearance that it was an appropriate use of lethal force when in fact it was not."

Things like exaggerating the threat an unarmed migrant posed, he says. Or claiming a migrant was on the U.S. side of the border, when he was actually in Mexico.

And in describing how Border Protection leaders forced him out after eight years on the job, Tomsheck doesn't mince words:

"I think there's every indication that my removal from the position ... was an effort to identify a scapegoat."

A scapegoat, he says, to silence criticism that few, if any, agents face justice for killing unarmed migrants on the border.

What's wrong overall, Tomsheck says, is the culture. After the Sept. 11 attacks, Border Protection agents and officers thought of themselves as an extension of the military. "The phrase was frequently used — a 'paramilitary border security force' or a 'paramilitary homeland security force.' "

One that he says operated outside normal legal bounds. "I believe that has caused them to believe that they are separate and distinct from the federal law enforcement community," he says. "And not bound by the same constitutional restraints regarding use of force."

For some of the very same reasons, CBP leaders recently brought in an FBI agent to review use of force, launched more training programs, and said they'd try to jump-start an internal affairs unit that allegedly lost its way under Tomsheck.

For his part, Tomsheck says he supports reforms to ensure the CBP is acting within the law. That includes putting body cameras on agents to capture images of their interactions with people on the border and bringing in independent investigators to review use-of-force complaints.

The internal affairs unit he ran for eight years is now headed by an FBI agent, brought in by management to lead a sweeping review of operations.

Tomsheck suggests he start by looking for corruption within the Customs and Border Protection ranks.

A significant number — 5 or 10 percent — of agents and officers, he says, are likely to be corrupted by money or family ties.

"That is a number which I believe is a conservative estimate based on the number of unsuitable persons who have entered the agency by virtue of hiring surges, most of which occurred after 2006," he says.

Hiring surges so urgent that the CBP failed to administer polygraph exams to job candidates. Exams that he says could have rooted out past criminal behavior or connections to drug cartels and human trafficking networks.

Before the polygraphs, Tomsheck says, about 20 percent of candidates got weeded out as unsuitable. But after the polygraphs became a regular part of screening, that number rose to more than half.

Now he's the one with human resource problems. After being ousted for allegedly failing to do enough to investigate misconduct, Tomsheck filed a complaint with the federal whistleblower office. He's speaking out now to try to clear his name.

"To hear it suggested that I didn't properly discipline persons — when I know that neither myself or anyone in the office of internal affairs has anything to do with discipline — was quite difficult to hear," he says.

Tomsheck says he prepared reports on use of force and other misconduct, which he says was part of his job. By his account, higher-ups are the ones who were supposed to make decisions about whether to discipline agents.

A spokesman for Customs and Border Protection says he can't discuss personnel issues. But he says the agency is committed to openness and accountability.

Related NPR Stories

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Comment by mary gravitt on September 2, 2014 at 1:59pm

The United States has always had an imperialistic relationship with Mexico, as well as with all of Latin America.  Stephen Kinzer in The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, And Their Secret World War (2013) posits that under guise of wiping out Communism, the US has always fostered it imperialistic ambitions in the Western Hemisphere.

After the Dulles brothers and the CIA successfully overthrew Iran’s democratically elected government in 1953, they turned their attention to remaking Latin America into southern satellite states with governments favorable to the United States’ economic conditions beginning with the overthrow of the Arbenz regime in Guatemala.

A few months after the invasion and conquest of Guatemala, from exile in Mexico, the Guatemalan diplomat Guillermo Toriello published his own account.  “The break of day on June 29th, 1954, brought with it the triumph of foreign aggression against Guatemalan democracy,” he wrote.  “A combination of the State Department [where John Foster Dulles was Secretary], the Central Intelligence Agency [that Allen Dulles was Head], and the Banana Empire [various traitors in the Arbenz government] had finally manage to crush this small nation, indefensible and inoffensive, one hundred times smaller than its adversary, and drown in blood a flowering democracy dedicated to the dignity and economic liberation of its people.  The next day, John Foster Dulles announced the ‘glorious victory’ and proclaimed his delight at the crime’s consummation.”

Kinzer writes that Allen brought the CIA into its golden age by showing that he could topple governments with minimum cost and almost complete discretion.  Foster understood the power this implied.  The world had become their battlefield.  The brothers came to power determined to depose the leaders of two countries on opposite sides of the world.  Both were now gone.  Flushed with success, they moved on to their next target.

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