A prophet I shall raise up for them from the midst of their brothers, like you; and I shall indeed put my words in his mouth, and he will certainly speak to them all that I shall command him. And it must occur that the man who will not listen to my words that he will speak in my name, I shall myself require an account from him.
"This man is wicked. He inspires racists and bigots. He encourages violence. Do not listen to him." Rabbi Shmuel Herzfeld, who leads an Orthodox congregation in Washington, did not rise out of any passion of the moment. He had wrestled with this decision for days. He consulted with his own mentor rabbi, with his lawyer, with his wife and seven children. He told his kids that he felt obliged to say something, "to say 'we know who you are, we see through you.'" His children asked him not to stage his protest because he might get hurt, but Herzfeld concluded that he had no choice. He knew he would lose members of his synagogue (and he did). He knew he would be accused of taking an inappropriately political stance (and he was). But he had concluded that Trump posed "an existential threat to our country. I've never seen this type of political figure in my life. He's shameless in inspiring violence. He used vile language about people from other countries. He's open a space for ugliness to come out of the shadows."
--Michael Kranish and Marc Fisher, Trump Revealed: An American Journey of Ambition, Ego, Money, and Power
Listening to interviews on NPR as well as reading the transcripts you will understand that Stephen Paddock, the shooter, suffered from endogenous racial hatred, in other words, Paddock hated White people. Even the scene and location of the murders helps prove my thesis. American music is segregated. Country music is assumed to be White-music, although the majority of country
Musicians themselves pay homage to Black performers. But the Trumpsters, older whites, presume the ownership of Country music and have racialized it in their political favoring Trump as their outlaw hero/representative. This leads to how and why Donald J. Trump became President and why Paddock chose Las Vegas as the scene of his crime.
Matt Isaacs in "Sheldon Adelson Goes All In," in Mother Jones (March/April 2016) subtitled, "The billions he made in Chinese casinos may decide the presidential race. But has he overplayed his hand?" Isaacs declares that Sheldon Adelson, head of Sands Corp and international investor in casinos in Macau and Hong Kong, has contributed at least $71 million in dark money to political campaigns. "Dark money accounts for more than one-third of the Miriam and
Sheldon Adelson's known political giving over the past decade--and since such
spending doesn't have to be disclosed, the real total could be even bigger. Major dark-money donations reportedly include at least $30 million to Karl Rove's Crossroads GPS, $15 million to grassroots initiatives backed by the Koch brothers, and $5 million to the US Chamber of Commerce." It must be remembered that the Koch brothers via the Kochtopus only supported down-ballot candidates in 2016 because of the insult that Jane Mayer reports in Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right (2016).
Mayer writes that Donald trump, whose unorthodox bid for the Republican nomination flummoxed party regulars, was left off the Kochs' invitation list In August 2015, as his rivals [those who became down-ballot candidates] flocked to meet the Koch [Kochtopus] donors, he tweeted, "I wish good luck to all of the Republican candidates that traveled to California to beg for money etc. from the Koch Brothers. Puppets?" Trump's popularity suggested that voters were hungry for independent candidates who wouldn't spout the donors' lines. His call to close the carried-interest tax loophole, and talk of the ultra-rich not paying its share, as well as his anti-immigrant rants, made his opponents appear robotically subservient, and out of touch. But few other Republicans candidates could afford to ignore the Kochs.
Among their most astonishing feats, the Kochs had succeeded in persuading hundreds of the other richest conservatives in the country to give them control over their millions of dollars in contributions, in effect making them leaders of a conservative billionaires' caucus. Most of the other partners, as they called themselves, were silent. Their names rarely if ever appeared. When, in response to criticism, the Kochs invited the media to cover snippets of their summits, they insisted that the reporters agree not to name the other donors. Yet this secretive, unelected, and unaccountable club was changing the face of American politics.
Moreover, Isaacs posits that Adelson is a high roller in politics which was evident in March 2015 when he came to watch Netanyahu give a speech before Congress. In the days leading up to the event, Marco Rubio, said to be favored by Adelson in the 2016 election, dined with the casino magnate in a private room of the Charlie Palmer steak house, near the Capital. The morning of the speech, Adelson sat near Newt Gingrich, who, within weeks of receiving his first donation from Adelson in 2012, had declared Palestinians "an invented people." Evangelist James Hagee who created Christians United for Israel, as Adelson's personal guest, and other sycophants including Ted Cruz, said to be Miriam Adelson's choice for president.
The other presidential hopefuls, too, had made sure to be on Sheldon Adelson's radar, most notably in December, when they all appeared onstage at his Venetian resort for a prime-time debate. Even Donald Trump, who swore off contributions from his fellow billionaires, sent Adelson a glossy booklet of photographs from a gala where he accepted an award for boosting US-Israel relations. "Sheldon," candidate Trump scrawled across the cover, "no one will be a bigger friend to Israel than me!" (Adelson had promised to support whoever won the nomination.)