Former Detective Claims Black Lives Matter Founded On 'Pack Of Lies'


July 9, 2016 5:18 PM ET

Heard on All Things Considered

Ron Martinelli, a forensic criminologist and former police detective, is critical of the Black Lives Matter movement. He says they promote false narratives and are partially responsible for violence.


And now, another perspective from Ron Martinelli. He is a retired detective and police officer, and he testifies as an expert on police procedure. He served in the San Jose Police Department for some 25 years. He believes that the Black Lives Matter movement is encouraging anti-police violence. He's with us now. Mr. Martinelli, thank you so much for speaking with us.

RON MARTINELLI: Happy to be with you.

MARTIN: Do you believe that there is a war against the police, and if so, who is waging it?

MARTINELLI: I absolutely believe that there is a war on police. There are a number of factions that are waging the war on police, and one of the leading factions is the Black Lives Matter movement.

MARTIN: And what is the nature of this war?

MARTINELLI: Well, the movement - Black Lives Matter movement - has four basic objectives with respect to diminishing law enforcement. They want to disenfranchise the law enforcement from the community. They want to defund law enforcement. They want to diminish their involvement in the community and their stature, and they want to basically dissolve law enforcement.

And the reason is because police officers are protectors of the rule of the law, and the Black Lives Matter movement is a black nationalist revolutionary Marxist movement that is tied into a much larger international movement referred to as One World One Struggle.

MARTIN: Have you ever actually interviewed anybody connected to the Black Lives Matter movement - their objectives?

MARTINELLI: Yes, I have.

MARTIN: Like, name one.

MARTINELLI: I have emailed members of the movement and have listened to their responses. I've had dialogue with them. And I think the most telling things are the research we do where we pulled up the actual videos of the founders of the movement going out and giving speeches and talks to various community groups.

MARTIN: So tell me how you then extrapolate from that that you think that there is a war on police.

MARTINELLI: Well, the Black Lives Matter movement has done everything consistent with having a war on police. The rhetoric is violent. You know, the most recent killings - the killer stated that part of the reason that he was inflamed enough to kill the police officers was because of the rhetoric from the Black Lives Matter movement.

MARTIN: So what should people do who object to the way the police have conducted themselves in their communities? What should they do in your view?

MARTINELLI: Well, they have a constitutional right to protest and to protest peacefully in the streets, and to work with their legislators, work with their leaders to bring about, you know, effective change in policing. I think we need to keep in mind - we have problems in law enforcement brought about by the community, such as drug involvement, gang involvement, weapons violations.

Do we need to continue to evolve forward? Absolutely. But the community also needs to bear responsibility for their actions. And I think everybody that is reasonably thinking and informed understands that.

MARTIN: Ron Martinelli is a former police officer, a police detective. He served some 25 years in the San Jose Police Department. He now testifies as an expert witness on police procedure in cases around the country. He was kind enough to join us via Skype from Mexico. Mr. Martinelli, thank you so much for speaking with us.

MARTINELLI: Thank you for having me on.

Copyright © 2016

Robert P. Jones in The End White Christian America (2016) counter's Martinelli's racist charges against the criminality of Black Lives Matter.  However, first I will examine Martinelli's connection between black people and Communism which stretches back to the Russian Revolution and Bolshevism.  The first point to emphasize is the fact that all the pre-WWI colonizers, except for Japan were White/European and American.  All the colonized people were peoples of color--African, Asian, and the Islands of the Sea.  When the colored Japanese beat the White Russians in the Russo-Japanese War 1904, the colonized felt that their freedom was possible, and with Marx-Leninism there was a political philosophical base for this freedom.

Lothrop Stoddard in The Rising Tide Of Color Against White World-Supremacy (1921) writes at the end of WWI of how the West felt threaten of losing their colonies to Bolshevism.  Stoddard, one of Hitler's favorite authors, writes that the rulers of Soviet Russia are well aware of the profound ferment now going on in colored lands.  They watch this ferment with the same terrible glee that they watched the Great War and the fiasco of Versailles--and they plot to turn it to the same profit.

Accordingly, in every quarter of the globe, in Asia Africa, Latin America, and the United States, Bolshevik agitators whisper in the ears of discontented colored men their gospel of hatred and revenge.  Every nationalist aspiration, every political grievance, every social discrimination, is fuel for Bolshevism's hellish incitement to racial as well as to class war.

And this Bolshevik propaganda has not been in vain.  Its results already show in the most diverse quarters, and they are ominous for the future.  China Japan, Afghanistan, India, Java, Persia, turkey, Egypt, Brazil, Chile, Peru, Mexico, and the "black belts" of our own United States: here is a partial list of the lands where the Bolshevik leaven in color is clearly at work.

In other words, Stoddard is bemoaning the fact that the "colored people" see that their freedom lies in the Bolshevik camp.  White world was in a panic because he had stated previous "Bolshevism has vowed the proletarianization of the world, beginning with the white people."  Post WWI Bolshevism/Communism moved into Europe and became a threat to the rule of the Christian churches, especially the Catholic Church that depended on the loyalty and ignorance of the peasantry to maintain power.  This was also true of the elites.  Thereby, the tales of the cruelty of the Bolsheviks relied on the "White" Russian elite and religionist who lost their wealth and power to tell the tale of a Godless Communism rule by Lenin and his Chinese "braves."  The colonizers lost and the native took back his land until post-WWII, another story.  Communism, like Bolshevism is and always has been about race.

The new CEO of Donald Trump’s campaign is closely aligned with the so-called “alt-right,” a nationalist movement that rejects multiculturalism. The rise of the alt-right movement and its place in this year’s presidential campaign.


  • Norman Ornstein resident scholar, American Enterprise Institute; co-author of "It's Even Worse Than It Looks: How the American Constitutional System Collided With the New Politics of Extremism"
  • Robert P. Jones CEO, Public Religion Research Institute; author, “The End of White Christian America”
  • Rosie Gray reporter, BuzzFeed
  • Jared Taylor editor, American Renaissance which describes itself as a "race-realist, white advocacy organization".

Related Links

Robert P. Jones in The End of White Christian America writes of how a schism between Protestant braches (White evangelical and Mainline) opposing world view can be seen with striking clarity in just a few of their midcentury activities.  When the national Council of Churches convened 237 clergy to address foreign policy and international relations issues in 1959, Christianity Today's founding editor Car F. H. Henry, charged that 105 of them ha "Communist affiliations."

Henry also regularly featured articles by J. Edgar Hoover [who lied both about black crime statics in order to extort money from the government for the FBI, and the threat of Communism in the black communities] in the pages of the magazine with titles suggesting the importance of a stalwart Christianity for resisting the dangers of communist influence: "Soviet Rule or Christian Renewal?" and "Communist Propaganda and the Christian Pulpit."  And importantly, without the easy access mainline Protestants enjoyed to mainstream media, white evangelical Protestants built an impressive array of radio stations, publishing houses, and television networks to widely promote their vision of White Christian America.

Jones posits that in moments of vulnerability, politicians routinely turn to declarations of faith as assertions of American power and unity.  Requests to place the motto "In God We Trust" on American coins, for example, first came to the Treasury Department in 1861, during the height of the Civil War.  In 1864, the mantra appeared for the first time on a two-cent coin.

Nearly a century later, another crisis--anxieties about "godless communism” at the height of the Cold War--produced a similar response.  The words "In God We Trust" became the official national motto in 1956 and were added to paper money in 1957.  The politics of vulnerability also affected the Pledge of Allegiance.  Written in 1892--a more religiously secure time--by Reverend Francis Bellamy, an ordained Baptist minister, the original pledge included no reference to a deity.  Even when Congress formally approved the pledge included no reference to a deity.  Even when congress formally approved the pledge's final language in 1942, there was no suggestion to include a reference to God.  But the waves of anticommunist sentiment coursing through the country at midcentury exerted their pull on the pledge; in 1954, Congress voted to insert the words "under God."


Both Franklin Graham and Ron Martinelli, like Stoddard, do not believe that African Americans possess the sophistication to protest or lobby the system on their own behalf.  Access to social media seems to have driven Franklin Graham to indict himself as preacher from the biblical tale of the Good Samaritan who crossed the road to avoid the injured man.

Jones writes that on March 12, 2015, Black Lives Matter members had protested in Ferguson over 200 days demanding justice.  Two police officers were shot during a protest outside the Ferguson police station.  In response, the Reverend Franklin Graham, the son of evangelist Billy Graham, fired off his missive to his 1.4 million Facebook fans:

"Listen up--Blacks, Whites, Latinos, and [all God's Children] everybody else.  Most police shootings can be avoided.  It comes down to respect for authority and obedience.  If a police officer tells you to stop, you stop.  If a police officer tells you to put your hands in the air, you put your hands in the air.  If a Police officer tells you to lay down face first with your hands behind your back, you lay down face first with your hands behind your back.  It's as simple as that.  Even if you think the police officer is wrong--YOU OBEY."

Jones writes that  Graham's post continued, admonishing President Obama to tell parents to "teach your children to respect and obey those in authority."  More widespread respect for authority, he concluded, would have avoided "some of the unnecessary shootings we have seen recently."  Nearly 200, people "liked" the post on Facebook and it was shared more than 83,000 times.

Graham's Facebook post prompted an angry open letter from a group of African American, Hispanic, and Asian American religious leaders, many of whom were fellow evangelicals; however I think the unique answers to Graham's hubris lies in Luke 18:9-14 and the Reverend Martin Luther King's Letter From A Birmingham Jail.

The Parable of the Pharisee and the Tax Collector

9 To some who were confident of their own righteousness and looked down on everyone else, Jesus told this parable: 10 “Two men went up to the temple to pray, one a Pharisee and the other a tax collector. 11 The Pharisee stood by himself and prayed: ‘God, I thank you that I am not like other people—robbers, evildoers, adulterers—or even like this tax collector. 12 I fast twice a week and give a tenth of all I get.’

13 “But the tax collector stood at a distance. He would not even look up to heaven, but beat his breast and said, ‘God, have mercy on me, a sinner.’

14 “I tell you that this man, rather than the other, went home justified before God. For all those who exalt themselves will be humbled, and those who humble themselves will be exalted.”

Luke 18:9-14 New International Version (NIV)


Franklin Graham is the son of evangelist Billy Graham.  Jones posits that Billy Graham's broad appeal, along with his nonpartisan posture, set Billy graham on a path that positioned him as a spiritual advisor to every sitting president from Harry Truman to Barack Obama.

But by the 1980s, Billy Graham's welcoming and largely apolitical appeal was overtaken by a movement built around partisan politics and apocalyptic rhetoric, led in the 1980s by figures such as the Revered Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson.  as the elder Graham aged and health concerns began to limit his public appearance, his son Franklin--whose temperament and goals resonated more with the Christian right than with his father--stepped increasingly into the spotlight.  It would be difficult to overstate the differences to overstate the differences between father and son.

After struggling with his father's long absences during his childhood, Franklin originally had no designs to follow in the elder Graham's footsteps.  He was frequently in trouble as a teenager, and described his attitude this way: "I want to be a hell raiser that lived my own life.  And if it made people mad, tough.  If it disappointed people, tough.  It's my life.  I'm going to live it the way I want to live it, and if you don't like it, get out of my way."

But at twenty-two, he experienced his own religious conversion and began to make changes in his life.  Defying expectations, he married and joined the growing family business [with its talking cow].  In 1979 he became president and CEO of Samaritan’s Purse, a nonprofit Christian international aid organization that today has $400 million budget.  In 2000, as his father’s health declined, Franklin Graham was appointed CEO of his father’s religious organization, the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association (BGEA), which has a budget of over $100 million.

Whereas Billy Graham exuded a relaxed confidence, Franklin became an anxious agitator—more preoccupied with adversaries than invitations, more provocateur than preacher.  Unlike his father, Franklin Graham built his career by railing against abortion (“It’s a sin against God, okay? It’s murder”), gay marriage (Isn’t it sad, though, that America’s own morality has fallen so far that on this issue—protecting children from any homosexual agenda or propaganda—Russia’s standard is higher than our own?”, and Islam (a “very wicked and evil religion”). 

While Billy Graham pointedly stopped holding segregated crusade meetings in 1952 and invited Martin Luther King, Jr. to lead a prayer at his New York Crusade in 1957—his son failed to heed black Americans’ claim about injustice at the hands of police and the courts.

Billy Graham held all American presidents in high esteem, but Franklin Graham harbors particular—and public—antipathy for Barack Obama.  Graham has gone as far as to assert that the president is under the thumb of sinister Muslim advisors: “This administration has been heavily influenced by Muslims speaking into and giving advice in various areas of the White House.  They are anti-Israel and anti-Semitic—and they are influencing the president who as we all know was raised with a strong Muslim influence in his life.”

Just days after the 2012 presidential election, Graham declared—without a hint of irony—that Obama’s second term would “usher in the largest changes in our society since the Civil War.”  His reelection, Graham warned, was a sign that Americans have “turned our back on God.”  In the same interview, Graham lamented waning evangelical influence, declaring, “We need someone like a Jerry Falwell to come back and resurrect the Moral Majority movement.”


Politics In The News


Donald Trump last week shook up his campaign staff. What's in store this week? David Greene talks to columnist and commentator Cokie Roberts, and Washington Post reporter Robert Costa.

Alex Altman in "Tribal Warrior: How Does Donald Trump Win? Divide And Conquer" in Time Magazine, March 14, 2016 writes how Donald Trump operates plays the Race Card.  Altman posits that candidate Trump relies on stereotypes to explain the world, in ways both inflammatory and complimentary.  Persians are "great negotiators."  Hispanics are "incredible workers."  Mexicans illegally crossing the Southern border are "criminals" and "rapists."  After the terrorist attacks in San Bernardino, he proposed a blanket ban on immigration by Muslims, not just those with radical Islamic ties.

Trump isn't winning in spite of such statements; he's winning because of them.  Eight years after Barack Obama campaigned to repair the rift between red and blue states, America is more divided than ever, a tangle of tribes split by class, creed, religion and race.

Altman declares that nobody does tribal warfare like Trump.  "It's us-against-them politics," says roger Stone, a Republican consultant and former Trump adviser.  "You define yourself by who your enemies are."  Trump has been a master of this for much of his life.  At various chapters in his business career, he has found the furrows in the cultural landscape and sown discord for personal gain.  Now the same knack for divisive rhetoric could tear the Republican Party in two, leaving Trump as the commander of a new tribe, a coalition of the disaffected.


Trump, now 70, was born in Queens, New York, which is a patchwork quilt of ethnic enclaves.  Like Hitler and Stalin, neither of which was German or Russian, for years, both Trump and his real estate developer father Fred masked their ethnic German ancestry by claiming to be Swedish.

As a businessman, Trump sought to capitalize on ethnic allegiances.  "If the seller was Italian," he told the New York Times in 1984, "we sent an Italian."  He relies on the same stereotypes as a candidate.  "I'm a negotiator like you folks," he told a Republican Jewish group in December.

In April 1989, wanting to burnish his populist bona fides, he played judge and jury.  Amid a crime wave, New York City was rocked by the rape of a young [White] investment banker while she was jogging in Central Park.  Twelve days later Trump placed a full-page newspaper ad calling for the resurrection of the death penalty.  "I want to hate these murders and I always will," he wrote.  It was a law-and-order cry that channeled the anger of a reeling city.  And the attendant publicity helped Trump cultivate an image as a foil to the city's political leaders.

Five Black and Hispanic teens were convicted in connection with the rape after making false confessions.  All were later exonerated by DNA evidence.  Korey Wise, imprisoned more than a decade for a crime he didn't commit, blames some of the beatings he suffered in jail on Trump.  "He put a bounty on my head," Wise says.

But, as usual, the billionaire developer was unrepentant.  When the city announced a $41 million settlement with the wrongly convicted men in 2014, Trump called the deal a "disgrace" in an op-ed.  "These young men," he noted, "do not exactly have the pasts of angels."

Trump has a pattern of exploiting cultural suspicions that always have to do with targeting peoples of color, but preferably African Americans.


Altman states that last fall Trump retweeted an image of a dark-skinned figure, wearing a bandanna and pointing a handgun, alongside apocryphal statistics abound black-on-white crime.  He has claimed, without evidence, to have seen televised footage showing thousands of Muslims celebrating in New Jersey after the September 11 attacks.  In a CNN interview shortly before Super Tuesday, Trump declined to denounce the support of former Ku Klux Klan grand wizard David Duke, an avid fan and supporter of Trump.

"This is an old cocktail," says Republican Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina.  "He's playing to people's prejudices and fears.  It's no deeper than that."

Democracy, Obama recently told the author Marilynn Robinson, depends on "a presumption of goodness in other people.  Trump warns of enemies lurking everywhere.  During campaign events he occasionally recites the lyrics of "The Snake," an old al Wilson tune from the 1960s about a tenderhearted woman who nurses a dying serpent back to health and is rewarded for her pity with a fatal bite.  Trump used the parable to illustrate the dangers of bringing Syrian refugees into the U.S.  This theme, of the hidden threat lurking in our midst, is part of what makes trump a fitting prophet for a fearful tribe.


However this has not dimmed the hope and enthusiasm of his supports.  "He's [Trump] one of us," explains Natalie Ventura, a 44-year-old Navy veteran from Summerville, S.C.  "I don't always agree with the message.  But we aren't voting for the message.  We're voting for the messenger."

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Comment by mary gravitt on August 31, 2016 at 10:40am

We must be swift about hearing when it comes to the relationship between Race and Religion.  Are we all made in the image of God or defined by man?  Racism has to be taught and reinforced so that it becomes endemic.  This has been done in America since its founding because of profit and class.  Now we have reached the end of an era.  Evangicals may call it the End Times by I know better.

Comment by Zanelle on August 31, 2016 at 12:34pm

Thanks for tying this all together.  Throwing light on the subject of racism is the only way to end it.  Im so thankful my daughters do not see race here in Hawaii.  I do tho.  I was raised in the fifties and it is inside me....horrible times.  It can only get better.  


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